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The Mass Surrender of German Troops to the 347th Infantry Regiment on May 6, 1945 By Tom Stafford L-347 In coordination with: Ray Miles, I-347 John McAuliffe, M-347 Lew Goad, L-347 |
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v
Prologue Earlier this
year, while reviewing the 87th Infantry Division's history on the Internet,
I was surprised to read that our Division
is credited with capturing only 10,282 German Prisoners of War during
World War II. Having been personally
involved in the acceptance on May 6, 1945 of the formal surrender
of over 40,000 Wehrmacht (German Regular Army) and Schutzstaffel (SS)
troops[1],
including a considerable number of high ranking general officers --
a day before the Unconditional Surrender of all German Forces was signed
and three days before active operations were ordered to cease --
I contacted John “Mac” McAuliffe[2]
to determine if he had any information regarding what I consider to
be an obvious discrepancy in our Division's history.
It is interesting to note that a review of the official records
contained in the National Archives pertaining to our Division, particularly
those of the 347th Infantry and its 3rd Battalion,
clearly reveal that a number of these surrendering Wehrmacht and SS
troops began to enter our lines on May 7, two days before ALL active
operations were to cease at 001B, 9 May, 1945 between the Germans and
the Allied Expeditionary Forces (AEF). Mac promptly
informed me that as he was leaving our Division's 2002 reunion, he was
handed information pertaining to the mass surrender by Ray Miles.[3] The information included a letter written and
signed by a German general,[4]
with a subject line of "Report Concerning the Canceling of Discharge
Papers Issued in Connection with the Surrender to the American Army". The letter, written in German with an English
translation, was addressed to Major Withers, who commanded the 3rd
Battalion, 347th Infantry.
Also included was a personal note from Major Withers addressed
to Capt. Miles explaining the purpose of the German general's letter. The original letter, and an English translation
can be found in the Appendix. During our conversation,
Mac recalled an article I had written concerning the mass surrender.[5] My article includes a reprint of a letter,
passed by my Company L, 347th Infantry censor, which I wrote
on May 12, 1945 to my father. I
mentioned in that hastily written letter that prior to Germany's final
surrender, I had ventured deep into enemy territory and obtained the
surrender of two complete German Infantry Divisions.
I learned later, long after World War II was over, that the surrender
included an entire German Army Corps, its divisions plus a number of
other odd and assorted units involving more than 40,000 Wehrmacht and
SS troops. Also included were at least twenty officers holding the rank of
general whose names and units are listed below. Before sending
a copy of the letter to the GAN[6],
I had both the original letter and its envelope notarized so that the
GAN's Editor, Jim Amor, would know that the events stated therein were
as stated in the original letter -- that they were not some "cock
and bull combat story" rattling around in an old soldier's hazy
memory of an event which took place more than fifty years earlier. After discussing
the surrender with Mac, he informed me that Ray Miles had promised Major
Withers that a written record would be made, so that details of the
mass surrender of the Germans to our battalion and regiment would not
be lost to posterity. Ray, in
turn, asked Mac to prepare the record.
After learning that I had been directly involved in obtaining
the surrender, Mac asked me to prepare an article for possible publication
in the GAN. Upon receiving a similar request from Ray Miles,
I agreed to do so, but only after visiting the National Archives, located in College Park,
Maryland. By searching the Archive's
official records of the 87th Infantry Division, the 347th
Infantry Regiment and it's 3rd Battalion, I wanted to make
certain that my memory of the actual events, which occurred more than
58 years earlier, had not been too dimmed by time, or had become figments
in an old soldier’s imagination. Although the terms of Germany's unconditional surrender signed on May 7, 1945, provided there would be no further active operations after midnight on May 8/9, I learned later that the 3rd Battalion, 347th Regiment did not get the news of the formal surrender until late on May 7, at which time we were told to immediately cease all offensive operations in our sector. The delay, we were told, was because our 87th Division Headquarters had been instructed not to use any radios to disseminate that information to its lower echelons. Naturally, we were overjoyed by the news since we had been given to understand that the Germans, particularly all SS units and other diehard Wehrmacht elements were planning to retreat into Czechoslovakia and the mountains of Bavaria where they would continue to fight as "Werewolf" units, shooting anyone who tried to surrender to the Americans and Russians. The "werewolf" rumor was later confirmed in documentation we captured from German forces.
Concerning the cessation of actual hostilities, it is interesting to note, as stated in the letter addressed to Major Withers and signed by the German general Eisenbach[7], that the Germans believed the suspension of hostilities would not occur until the night of May 8/9, 1945. This was more than a full day after we had been ordered to cease all further offensive operations. It also is important to note, as stated in Eisenbach's letter, that when his command crossed the American lines controlled by the 3rd Battalion on May 10, Major Withers placed Eisenbach in overall command of three POW camps which already had been established by the 3rd Battalion "in the area of Tannenbergsthal - Rautenkranz and it would be my [Eisenbach’s] responsibility to assure law, order and discipline in these camps." Major Withers stated in his previously mentioned note to Ray Miles that although several German generals of higher rank already had entered our lines before Eisenbach arrived, he placed Eisenbach in command of the camps because Eisenbach "was about my size so I made him the Commandant of all their people." To provide a deeper appreciation of the events which occurred several weeks prior to, during, and following the German surrender in the 87th Infantry Division’s sector of operations, here is what happened as best as I and those who assisted me in writing this article remember it, coupled with information I found in the National Archives.
v
The Capture of Plaue
On April 16, 1945, after having been in the forefront of many battles fought by General George S. Patton’s Third Army in France, Belgium, Luxemburg and Germany, the 3rd Battalion, 347th Infantry Regiment participated in the capture Plauen, Germany. The city - a railroad and vital industrial center with a pre-war population of 110,000 - had been heavily damaged by aerial bombardment on or about April 10, 1945, because it contained a number of factories, ordnance plants and workshops producing war materiel, including a plant (Vogtlandische Maschinenfabrik AG of Plauen) known to be manufacturing Panzer tanks for the Wehrmacht. It also contained a large number of warehouses containing German army weapons, equipment, food rations and war materiel. Additional damage was inflicted on the city by the 87th Infantry Division’s 334th Field Artillery Battalion, which provided covering fire as the 347th Infantry Regiment began its assault on Plauen. Most of the buildings we observed as we moved deeper into Plauen had been severely damaged, many with only a few walls remaining; others were totally destroyed. The majority of the city’s streets, many with gaping bomb craters, were nearly impassable; although the infantry and accompanying tanks were able to move through them after encountering light resistance from the German troops defending the city. During the 347th Infantry Regiment's attack on Plauen, Company L -- with Lt. Lew Goad's 1st Platoon leading the way down Pausaer Strasse -- reached a point approximately one kilometer from the Elster River, which divided the city. At the same time Capt. Kidd, Commander of Company L, received a message that one of our spotter aircraft had observed a German platoon-sized force which appeared to be setting demolition charges in preparation of destroying the sole remaining bridge across the river, apparently hoping to delay our advance. Capt. Kidd radioed me saying he wanted my rifle platoon (the 2nd) to move through the 1st platoon and prevent the Germans from destroying the bridge.
To provide my
platoon with additional firepower, Capt. Kidd gave me a section of tanks
from the tank platoon which had been attached to Company L for the assault
on Plauen. Moving through Lew
Goad's platoon, and with the tanks following through the rubble-clogged
streets, we advanced toward the bridge as quickly as possible. Arriving at the bridge, we observed a number of German troops at
the far end. They appeared to
be still in the process of setting up demolition charges under the bridge. Placing one of the tanks on each side of our
end of the bridge, I directed them to fire a couple of cannon rounds
at the Germans and then open fire with their machine guns along each
side of the bridge, while my men and I raced across the bridge hoping
to cut the ignition wires, or otherwise neutralize the demolition charges
before the bridge was blown. Suffice
it to say, aided by the supporting fire laid down by the tanks, I succeeded
in neutralizing the demolitions while my men, after capturing a number
of German defenders, drove off the remaining German soldiers, without
suffering any casualties. Having secured the bridge, I moved the 2nd
platoon to higher ground on the far side of the river in order to ward
off any counterattack which might be attempted by the Germans.
v East Meets West - The Movement Toward Czechoslovakia Immediately following the capture of Plauen, the 347th Infantry Regiment shoved off again. This time our objective was to reach the border between Germany and Czechoslovakia, approximately 15 to 20 miles away. On April 17, the 1st Battalion captured Oelsnitz, apparently with little opposition, while the 2nd Battalion moved into Ober Losa, and the 3rd Battalion cleared the small city of Theuma, cutting the Autobahn (a super military highway) between Theuma and Ober Losa. Although the border of Czechoslovakia now was well within range of our division’s artillery, we were told that Major General Culin, our Division Commander, had been ordered by higher headquarters to stop our advance shortly after we captured Plauen. Rumors began to circulate that we were to remain in place to await the coming of Russian forces which had been reported to be approximately twenty-five kilometers eastward of our positions. After driving across Germany to the Czechoslovakian border, usually as the left flank division of General George S. Patton's Third Army, our corps (The US VIII Corps) was transferred to the First Army on April 22, 1945. We were ordered to remain in defensive positions on the First Army's right flank; continue patrolling along our front adjacent to the Third Army (on our right) while waiting for contact by the Russians. During the next two weeks, having captured a number of towns and villages seven or eight miles east of Oelsnitz and Theuma, including Bergen, Steinigt, Lottengrun, Tirpersdorf, Werda, Arnoldsgrun, and Marieney, the 347th Infantry established and held a front line which ran generally from Falkenstein and Poppengrun on its left flank through the villages of Werda and Schoneck to Wohlbach on its right. While holding this line, nightly patrols were conducted and scattered contact with the enemy to our front continued. During this time period we received considerable incoming rifle and machine gun fire, plus occasional artillery shelling on a daily basis to let us know there were German units in front of us who still were willing to fight. Just south of our lines a group of saboteurs with a load of demolitions was captured by 347th Infantry combat patrols, while several men from our 2nd Battalion were ambushed and captured, in turn, by the Germans. We heard numerous rumors that Germany was on the verge of surrender, but none of those tales proved to be true. While marking
time, waiting for the Russians who were slowly approaching our lines
from the East, we were told by Capt. Kidd, our Company Commander, that
higher headquarters wanted several men from each company to take a jeep
and visit a recently liberated German concentration camp at Buchenwald
-- a small village located near Weimar about 70 miles behind our lines
-- to bear witness to the unspeakable atrocities which had been found
there. Lew Goad and I volunteered to visit Buchenwald and, upon our arrival,
will never forget what we saw. Etched
forever in my memory were piles of dead bodies, at least 10 to 15 feet
high, stacked on the ground in several places. Many more corpses had been loaded in open rail cars, apparently
waiting to be moved to the crematory ovens or away from the camp. I remember seeing a number of German civilians
inside the camp who had been ordered to go from their homes in Weimar
and nearby villages to also bear witness to the atrocities committed
by the Nazis. One of the horrors
that Lew and I remember seeing was a small shack located near the crematory
ovens, which contained a number of cans with numbers stamped on their
lids. We were told that the
cans contained the ashes of cremated inmates which could be purchased
for a fee by their families. I
assume this offer applied only to the families of non-Jewish political
prisoners because I am certain no Jewish family member, who might have
been hiding somewhere within reach of the Gestapo, would have made their
presence known by responding to such offer. I also recall seeing a number of former prisoners
milling around inside the camp, so I believe our visit to the camp must
have occurred shortly after its liberation. In fact, I learned
later that Buchenwald actually had been discovered on or about April
11, 1945 by a motorized patrol consisting of Capt. Frederick Keffer
and three enlisted men from Task Force 9 of 6th Armored Division,
while the 87th Infantry Division, having captured Bad Blankenburg
to the south, was moving rapidly towards Saalfeld and Plauen.
I also learned that shortly after Buchenwald was discovered,
a detachment of soldiers and medical personnel from the 87th
Infantry Division were sent to the camp to help in providing emergency
care and evacuation of the camp’s survivors, most of whom were near
death or in extremely poor condition. Although higher
headquarters understood that, having captured Plauen we and other allied
forces had advanced far beyond the point agreed to by the Allies and
the Russians, many of us at the battalion and company level were hoping
we would continue to remain in our present positions and wait for the
Russians to reach our lines. In
fact, during this period, several officers and enlisted men in the 3rd
Battalion, including Lt. Isidore Vallorani, had been given “rest and
recuperation passes” to visit Paris, France.
Vallorani, who had led the 3rd Platoon, Company L
from the beginning of the Battle of the Bulge, took over as our Company
Executive Officer, thereby becoming second in command of Company L shortly
before we entered Plauen.
Setting up a skirmish line and firing as we entered Jägersgrün, the German defenders quickly scattered, thereby permitting the 2nd Platoon to cross over the bridge and allow me an attempt to neutralize the demolition charges that had been placed under the bridge. Hoping that I could do so before the charges could be ignited, my prayers were answered and the bridge was secured. Then, moving quickly through to the far side of the village after the bridge was secured, the 2nd and 3rd Platoons set up perimeter defensive positions as the remainder of Company L moved into Jägersgrün to await further orders. During this action
we captured approximately 25 to 30 German soldiers, including a German
Colonel, and what I thought to be several female soldiers who were hiding
with him in one of the houses in the village.
I was told later the females actually were part of a German entertainment
group similar to our USO troupes. The colonel, who spoke fairly good English, apparently had changed
into civilian clothing as we were moving into Jägersgrün, because I
found his uniform hidden under a bed.
After I told him he could be shot on the spot as a spy for masquerading
as a civilian, he claimed to be a staff officer assigned to a division
headquarters, the command post (CP) of which he said was located 4 or
5 miles deeper inside Czechoslovakia.
He told me he believed his division commander was convinced time
was running out for the German forces and would prefer to surrender
to the Americans rather than to the Russians, who he had heard were
nearing Prague, the capital of Czechoslovakia. I suggested to the colonel that he contact
his division commander and advise him that the members of his division
certainly would be far better off if he surrendered to the Americans,
rather than be captured and imprisoned by the Russians. The colonel said he had no radio or wire contact with the Division
Commander and asked if I would be willing, under a flag of truce, to
accompany him through the German lines to locate a German front line
unit, which was in contact with division headquarters. I then made two
very stupid mistakes. First,
after having survived five campaigns [8],
and foolishly believing by then that “the Germans didn't have a bullet
with my name on it”[9], I agreed to
go with the Colonel. Second,
I did not personally inform Capt. Kidd of my intentions and obtain his
permission to venture behind enemy lines.
I told S/Sgt Howard L. Crawford[10]
and Eldridge “Frenchy” LeBlanc (my platoon messenger) what I hoped to
accomplish, and to inform Capt. Kidd if I was not back in an hour or
two. I then hung part of a white sheet over the
front of my jeep. Placing the
colonel in the front seat, I sat behind him (with my pistol stuck between
his shoulder blades) and instructed Jones, my driver, to follow the
Colonel's directions. What transpired
then, and for the next six or seven hours, was like watching one of
the prewar "slap stick" movies.
Moving slowly southeast of Jägersgrün on a forest road leading
towards Carlsfeld (located about 6 miles east of Jägersgrün and close
to the Czechoslovakia border), we luckily passed without trouble through
the first German outposts. The
Wehrmacht soldiers, with their weapons ready, eyed us like visitors
from outer space. Although the German Army units had been steadily
retreating as we pushed them eastward towards Czechoslovakia, I do not
recall observing any confusion in their ranks as we drove deeper behind
the German lines. The German
units that we observed appeared to be well organized and ready to defend
their positions until compelled again to continue their retreat. One clear memory, however, still stands out in my mind. I remember seeing a German soldier walking
along, a mile or two further down the road, carrying a huge armload
full of bread to a field kitchen that had been set up near the road. Turning around and seeing us as we approached,
he dropped the entire load of bread as, wild eyed, he frantically attempted
to un-shoulder his rifle. Thankfully,
the Colonel screamed something at him in German, which settled him down.
A few minutes later we were met by a German officer, who obviously
had been alerted of our approach by the first outposts we had encountered. After a short
conversation in German, the Colonel arranged for a German motorcycle
escort to precede us to his division's headquarters.
I estimated the headquarters to be 3 or 4 miles inside Czechoslovakia
near the towns of Prebuz and Rudne, and approximately 12 miles from
Jägersgrün. Upon arriving, the
Division Commander, whose name I do not recall, was informed by the
Colonel that I was there to accept his surrender.
The Commander told me, in excellent English, that although he
knew there was little hope left for Germany, and as much as he would
like to save his troops from further harm, he could not willingly surrender
his division unless ordered to do so by his Corps Commander. I suggested to
him that he contact his Corps Commander and advise him that he, too,
would be far better off if he surrendered his entire command to the
Americans, rather than waiting for his troops to be captured by the
Russians. I told him if his Corps Commander wasn't ready
to surrender, then I expected him, the Division Commander, to provide
safe passage for my driver and me back to Jägersgrün and the American
lines, since we had come under a flag of truce.
Before agreeing to contact his Corps Commander, the General asked
me why the American forces had stopped their advance after having driven
the German Army almost into Czechoslovakia.
I told him I had no knowledge of why we had stopped, but he could
rest assured that we were moving again and this time we wouldn't stop
until we were eyeball-to-eyeball with Russians.
Apparently that was all that was needed to convince him to contact
his commander. What seemed to
me to be an eternity, but was probably less than an hour -- while the
Division Commander, the German Colonel, Jones and I sat casually drinking
wine on the verandah of a beautiful home which was the division headquarters -- the Division Commander received word that the Corps
Commander wanted to see me at his headquarters.. During our wait I learned that in the German
Army a brigade-sized unit was commanded by a "Generalmajor"
(major general), a division was commanded by a "Generalleutnant"
(lieutenant general), and a corps was commanded by a "General der
Infanterie or Panzertruppe, Artillerie,etc." (full general). So, off we went
again -- this time escorted by a number of Wehrmacht motorcycle troopers,
sirens wailing, leading the way and traveling even deeper behind enemy
lines in Czechoslovakia. Arriving
at the Corps Headquarters, which was located in a large building on
the outskirts of Karlsbad (now named Karlovy Vara), I was escorted into
the Corps Commander's office. Speaking
English, he immediately asked what my rank was.
I, like all front line American infantrymen, was not wearing
any insignia of rank. Combat
infantrymen quickly learned that non-commissioned and commissioned officers
were “targets of choice” for German snipers.
I certainly wasn't about to tell him that his surrender was being
demanded by a Technical Sergeant wearing muddy and dirty clothing --
so I told him I was a Captain, commander of an infantry rifle company.
He looked me over, commenting that the American Army also must
be running out of officer materiel if it, like the German Wehrmacht,
was forced to fill its officer ranks with youngsters barely out of high
school. Although I had not yet reached my 22nd
birthday, I told the General that I was 24 and had been fighting the
Wehrmacht since June 6, 1944, having participated in the Normandy invasion
on Omaha Beach (the latter part being the truth).
He then told me that he had been a German officer for more than
30 years, and would not surrender unless ordered to do so by his higher
command. Fearing that
my venture behind the German lines was about to end in failure, I told
the Corps Commander what I had earlier said to his division commander
-- that my division and the rest of the American Army was moving again
and this time we wouldn't stop until we were eyeball-to-eyeball with
Russians. Knowing absolutely nothing of the rules of
war, the Geneva Convention or anything else having to do with surrender
formalities, I told him that if he formally surrendered to the American
forces, the Russians would have to honor that formal surrender document. Although I knew only a few German words[11],
hardly appropriate for the moment, several of his staff officers, appearing
anxious to convince him to surrender, apparently offered their opinion
(in German) to the General that my statements were correct. The General told me to wait outside his office
while he discussed the situation with his staff. My driver, Jones,
and I sat in the hallway just outside of the general's office for what
seemed like another eternity, hearing what sounded like a heated debate
between the General and his staff.
While waiting for the General to make up his mind, Jones and
I watched with growing uneasiness while numerous staff personnel and
dispatch messengers ran hurriedly up and down the halls, eyeing us warily
as they entered or exited their offices.
While I understood from the beginning that our venture deep behind
enemy lines would not be a "cake walk," I began to realize
that the situation in which I had placed Jones and myself was growing
more serious with each passing minute, possibly ending with deadly results. Not knowing what
was going on in the General's office, I must admit that for the first
time since leaving our lines, I realized that Jones and I might very
well be taken outside and shot because of my brazen and foolhardy actions. After what seemed like another eternity, I was called back into
the General's office and informed that after weighing the predicament
facing the soldiers and officers under his command, he was prepared
to surrender his entire Corps, including the division which I had visited
earlier -- but would only do so to an American officer of equal rank. I told him that was not possible; that time was running out for
him and his troops. The Russians
were rapidly moving from the east and would soon overrun and deal harshly
with his forces[12]. I told the General that I had been sent by
my Division Commander (which was not true) to accept his surrender,
and if he wasn't ready to do so, then I expected him to provide safe
passage for me and my driver back to the American lines. After thinking
this over for several minutes, the General agreed to surrender his entire
command to me, but said he would not do so in his headquarters, preferring
to surrender in the field among his troops and at a location halfway
between his headquarters and my division’s command post (CP). I thought this insistence to be rather strange, but gladly agreed,
knowing that it would take Jones and me closer to our lines. The General asked me to point out on the large
battle map in his office the approximate location of my division’s CP. By this time,
it was getting late in the day and I did not want to be behind enemy
lines after dark. Neither was
I going to give him the location of my Division CP, nor even my Regimental
or Battalion CP -- none of which, truthfully, I had any knowledge. Looking at his map, I found Jägersgrün, which I quickly estimated
to be at least 25 miles or more from our present location. Pointing to a road junction near Carlsfeld
just inside the German-Czechoslovakia border, I told the General that
I believed that particular junction was approximately halfway between
his headquarters and my Division's CP.
I simply wanted us to be close to the American front lines when
we finally departed company with the General and his entourage. The General then ordered several of his senior staff officers to
accompany him. Jones and I,
along with the Colonel I had captured earlier in Jägersgrün, following
in my jeep -- which was sandwiched between the General's staff car and
several other German staff cars -- with even more Wehrmacht motorcycles,
sirens wailing, leading the way, we headed for the road junction which
I had selected. Arriving at the
junction, we found what looked like a small hotel or beer hall, the
proprietor of which was hiding with his family in the cellar. The General asked for some paper on which to
write his surrender, but none of his staff apparently had brought any. He then told the proprietor to bring him some
paper, and was informed by the poor fellow, who was shaking and scared
nearly out of his wits, that all he had was some ledger sheets used
to record his hotel transactions. As
I remember it, the documents -- one in German and one in English --
were then written on several sheets of cheap and poor quality ledger
paper. Both recorded, at my insistence, the unconditional
surrender of what turned out to be more than 40,000 Wehrmacht troops,
including what I thought at the time was a Lieutenant General, several
Major Generals and a number of Brigadier Generals. I learned later, after researching the National Archive records,
that this surrender action included at least twenty German generals,
whose name and rank are listed below. After receiving
my copy of the surrender document, I (recalling a scene from a movie
I had seen before the war) asked the General for a token of his surrender. Without hesitating, he gave me his personal
pistol -- a small automatic. I
then requested that the German Colonel I had captured in Jägersgrün
be allowed to accompany me back to my lines, and that a motorcycle escort
lead the way. That request was granted and, with considerable
relief, we headed straight for our lines. Needless to say, the German officer later thanked
me for including him in my request -- grateful to be a prisoner of war
and safe in American hands. Upon reaching
Jägersgrün, Jones and I estimated we had driven at least forty-five
miles behind the German lines. When
I informed Capt. Kidd, my Company Commander, where we had been, and
handed him the surrender document, he said words to the effect that
I was one crazy fool, adding -- with a wide grin -- that he didn't know
whether to courts martial me or recommend me for another medal.
Capt. Kidd immediately sent the document to Major Withers, our
Battalion Commander who, I assume, sent it immediately to Division Headquarters. I learned shortly afterward that while Company
L had captured Jägersgrün, Company I had driven the Germans out of Tannenbergsthal
and the 1st Battalion was in the process of capturing Klingenthal,
during which it and it’s accompanying Tank Destroyers killed and wounded
a number of enemy troops. During our travel
behind enemy lines, we observed a number of heavily camouflaged strong
points, including a number of tanks which were located at strategic
positions offering good “fields of fire” along the densely wooded and
narrow roads. We also saw a number of artillery pieces, some
located at bends in the roads with their tubes depressed so that they
could fire at anything coming towards them.
Many trees immediately adjacent to the roads that passed through
heavily forested areas had been rigged with demolitions, to permit them
to be blown down across the roads to help impede our advance. Had the German Corps Commander decided not to surrender, these defensive
measures undoubtedly would have resulted in significant American and
German casualties. These sightings
were duly reported to Capt. Kidd upon our return.
v An Unforgettable Procession We didn't have
to wait long, less than an hour or so on May 7, before small groups
of German troops began to approach our lines carrying white flags indicating
that they were ready to surrender.
We heard rumors that the same thing was happening in other areas. These reports were confirmed, during my visit
to the National Archives, when I viewed the daily summary reports, weekly
periodic reports, journals & files, plus other records of the 347th
Infantry Regiment, its 3rd Battalion and the 87th Division. These documents stated that a number of Germans,
including six officers -- at least one whom was a General -- had surrendered
to our 1st Battalion at 1050 hours on May 7 while the 346th
Infantry Regiment had arranged with a German Colonel, also on May 7,
to move his command through the 346th lines the morning of May 8th. Later on May
7th, after more German troops had entered our lines before
sundown, Capt. Kidd called his platoon leaders together and gave us
the news that we and our allies had been had been praying for these
many past weeks, months, and years. We were informed -- based on a message that
Col. Tupper, the Regimental Commander the 347th, had received
earlier that day from Major General Culin, our Division Commander --
that the war in Europe was finally over!
The delay, we were told, was because our higher headquarters
had been instructed not to use any radios to disseminate the surrender
information to its lower echelons. This delay was
confirmed by a note I found in the National Archives (see verbatim copy
thereof, below), coupled with statements made[13]
by Col. John F.T. Murray. Col.
Murray, who served as G-2, Headquarters, 87th Infantry Division, wrote "When we
received the message in the late afternoon of May 7 we were told to
get word to the troops that there would be no further offensive action
after midnight. But, we were also instructed that we could
not use radio to disseminate this information." He further stated
that the 347th Regimental Combat Team was close to the Czechoslovakia
border, about 20 miles from the 87th Infantry Division Headquarters,
so General Culin sent him "to notify Col. Tupper and his command
that the war was over." Col. Murray added
that although he and his driver spotted and were able to avoid several
well-armed German soldiers while en route to the 347th Infantry
Regiment's CP, he succeeded in delivering the news to Col. Tupper. Naturally, everyone
was overjoyed by the news since we had been given to understand that
the Germans, particularly the SS units and other diehard Wehrmacht elements,
were planning to retreat into Czechoslovakia and into the mountains
of Bavaria where they would continue to fight as "Werewolf"
units. The "Werewolf" rumor was later confirmed,
in documentation captured from German forces, to be far more than rumor.
It was based on plans approved at higher German command levels. After giving
us the news that the war was finally over, Capt. Kidd again told us
to be careful, and not to let our guard down.
I later learned at the National Archives, that his words of caution
proved to be sound advice. Sadly,
the Archive records disclosed that a member of our regiment was shot
and killed on May 11 by a group of German stragglers whom he had been
told to stop from entering our lines, until it could be established
that they were not members of a werewolf unit.
Apparently, that is what they were.
I also found at the Archives an extremely important document
in the files of the 347th Infantry Regiment that firmly fixes
the date on which we first learned the war in Europe finally was coming
to its end. The document, dated
May 7 1945, reads as follows: "Conference call from Half Year 6 in which he gives the following message from Monarch: Representatives of the German High Command have signed an Unconditional Surrender of all German Land, Sea and Air Forces to the AEF and simultaneously to the Soviet High Command at 0141B, 7 May 1945 under which all forces will cease active operations at 0001B, 9 May. Effective immediately all offensive operations will cease. Troops will remain in present positions. Moves involved in occupation duties will continue. Due to difficulty in communications there may be some delay in orders reaching enemy troops, so full defensive precautions will be taken. No release to the press pending official announcement to the press by the heads of the three major powers. End of Monarch message Half Year 6 directs that above be passed to troops carefully so that satisfaction that comes to us is not spoiled by thoughtless acts." We learned several days later that
the German forces which surrendered to us were under the impression
(based on a report they had heard on Radio Prague) that suspension
of hostilities would not occur until the night of May 8/9. This was at least 30 hours after the
347th Infantry Regiment had been ordered to cease ALL offensive
operations and more than two full days after Jones and
I had traveled behind enemy lines, hoping to obtain the surrender of
the German forces in our sector. I
will always believe that our foolish and risky venture helped in some
small way to convince the German troops who were opposing the 87th
Infantry Division, to speed up their suspension of hostilities.
According to documents at the Archives, very early on the morning of May 8th, a large number of Germans -- estimated to be more than 300 troops, including several Generals traveling in at least 70 motorized and tracked vehicles plus horse drawn wagons -- arrived at outposts manned by the 3rd Battalion, 347th Regiment, making it clear that they wanted to surrender. By noon on May 8, another 80 to 90 vehicles, some pulling artillery pieces and loaded with a large number of German troops accompanied by family members, and other males dressed in civilian clothes, entered the 3rd Battalion's lines and surrendered. The 2nd Battalion reported that a small number of Germans, including three tanks, one towing a staff car, had surrendered to it. Several hours later, as I recall, Major Withers, Capt. Kidd, Lew Goad[14] and I, along with other members of Company L, stood on the outskirts of Jägersgrün and watched as the commander of the German 204th Panzer Grenadier Regiment surrendered his troops consisting of 420 officers and men, accompanied by 15 SS troops, to the 3rd Battalion. By 1600 hours, yet another 200 officers and men, including at least 80 vehicles belonging to elements of the 2nd Panzer Division, crossed the 3rd Battalion lines. Following immediately behind that group were elements of the Hermann Goering Division, consisting of 500 or more officers and men traveling in at least 150 vehicles. At 1635 hours, the 1st Battalion,
347th Infantry reported that while capturing its objectives,
it had discovered a German military hospital in Klingenthal containing
640 injured German troops, and close by, in the village of Sachsenberg,
another hospital holding 43 injured German troops. The 1st Battalion, 347th
Infantry also reported that a number of German troops, including an
unknown number of tanks belonging to elements of the Gross Deutschland
Armored Division, were observed approaching its lines.
Later, in the evening of May 8, the 3rd Battalion,
347th Infantry, reported that elements of the German 405th
Infantry Division, consisting of 43 officers; 100 non-commissioned officers
(NCOs) and 540 enlisted men, had surrendered to it.
During the same time period the 1st Battalion, 347th
Infantry reported it had accepted the surrender of 5 more German officers
and 25 enlisted men while the 2nd Battalion, 347th
Infantry reported the surrender to it of 20 German troops, including
4 Hitler Jugend (Hitler Youth).
Early on the morning
of May 9, the escalating parade of surrendering German units
continued, including a number of general officers and their staffs. Among these were General der Artillerie (General)
Herbert Osterkamp, CG, 12th Military District and his staff;
Generalmajor Oscar Doepping, CG of Chemnitz and the Gross Chemnitz Division;
Generalmajor (Maj. Gen.) August Wellm, CG, Koruck 534, General der Flieger
(Aviators) Erich Petersen, who was reported to be the CG, 90th Corps;
and Generalleutnant Baron (Freiherr) Siegmund von Schacky auf Schoenfeld,
CG 413th Infantry Division.
On May 10, Generalmajor
Erich Eisenbach, CG, Field Command Post 641, together with the troops
under his command crossed the 3rd Battalion lines. As noted earlier, Major Withers placed Eisenbach in overall command
of three of the POW camps that had been established by the 3rd
Battalion in the area of Tannenbergsthal, Jägersgrün and Rautenkranz. In placing Eisenbach in command of the camps
-- subordinate, of course to Major Withers -- Eisenbach was told that
he would be held responsible for assuring law, order and discipline
throughout those camps[17].
Several days later
in connection with the above, Generalmajor Eisenbach addressed an interesting
letter, dated May 13, 1945 to Major Withers advising him, in summary,
that:
Generalmajor Wellm,
CG Koruck (AOK 7), left Carlsfeld, Germany o/a 0600 hrs, May 9 to cross
the American lines. Also on
May 9th, Generalmajor Erich Eisenbach, CG, Field Command
Post 641, his troops marched from Platten (Horni Blatna), Czechoslovakia
and arrived in Carlsfeld 30 minutes later.
Eisenbach, upon his arrival in Carlsfeld, was told by one of
Wellm's officers that Wellm had issued discharge papers to every German
soldier in his command, believing that the Americans would release the
surrendering Germans to their respective hometowns. Eisenbach stated that he had done the same
for his troops, and also had appropriate entries made in their paybooks. Eisenbach went on
to state that when he crossed the American lines on May 10, Major
Withers put him in charge of three POW camps located in the vicinity
of Tannenbergstahl and Rautenkrantz, both adjacent to Jägersgrün.
He further stated that Major Withers told him that it would be
his responsibility to assure law, order and discipline of the POWs located
in those camps. Eisenbach also
stated that Withers informed him that he, Eisenbach, would carry out
his responsibilities as provided by the German Military Code of Justice
as well as German disciplinary penalty provisions -- and if became necessary
to imprison any POW who required such punishment, then such violator
would be turned over to the Americans for imprisonment. Eisenbach also said
that a number of POWs, apparently believing that they had been discharged
from further service in the German Army, were refusing to obey orders
issued by him and the German officers in their camps. He said he directed
the German camp commanders to immediately call in all discharge papers
and cancel the entries made in the soldiers' paybooks.
Eisenbach advised Major Withers that his orders were not executed
uniformly. He stated that in Camp #1, all discharge papers
were declared invalid but were left with the POWs -- but the discharge
entries in their paybooks were canceled.
In two other camps (# 2 & # 3) the discharge certificates
were called in and submitted to Major Withers while some certificates
(in Camp # 3) were destroyed. Eisenbach
also advised that in some units, particularly the "Gross-Deutschland"
regiment, no discharge papers had been issued.
Eisenbach closed his letter stating that the above measures were
taken purely for disciplinary reasons.
On May 11 we learned that a soldier of another Battalion of the 347th Infantry Regiment, who was manning a roadblock set up to prevent further Germans from entering our lines, had been shot and killed by several men dressed in civilian clothing, possibly so-called “werewolves”, whom he attempted to stop from entering our lines. In reviewing the 347th Regiment's journals and files in the National Archives, I noted that another American soldier who was guarding German prisoners in POW Camp #2 was reported killed by a sniper, apparently a “werewolf”, hiding in nearby woods. The records also stated that our higher headquarters then issued orders to allow no more German troops to enter our lines. We were instructed to tell them to surrender to the Russians, which, obviously they refused to do. Thousands more German troops and civilians were waiting outside our lines pleading to come in. The records reveal that Major Withers reported that the waiting troops and fleeing civilians apparently had run out of food. He requested permission to at least be permitted to feed them. It appears that request was granted. Sometime later on May 12, I took time
out to write a letter to my father. to let him know that I was OK.
I tried to describe some of the unbelievable events that had
taken place in the past few days. I wrote: “Now when you shoot a Kraut, they call it murder, which goes to show
just how nonsensical war really is. Just by signing a little piece of paper, men can change the lives
and destiny of millions of people -- and those of us who yesterday had
the sole purpose of killing other men can now laugh, joke, smoke and
give food and shelter to those same people."
I then mentioned that "I had been recommended several months earlier for a battlefield commission to 2nd Lieutenant and, while that's well and good, I understand that officers don't count in the point system". I noted (having already earned more than 85 points) that "as an enlisted man I probably stand a good chance of staying away from the CBI (Pacific theater) with prospects for a discharge upon our return to the States." Although I knew what my Dad or any other father would advise in response, I asked for his advice concerning acceptance or rejection of the commission, saying "I've just about made up my mind, but I'll wait to hear what you think. So write soon." Shortly after writing the above letter
to my father, I was told to report to Division Headquarters where, having
been awarded a battlefield commission, I was promoted from Tech Sgt
to 2nd Lt. by Brigadier General John L. McKee, our Assistant
Division Commander. I was later informed that Jones and I actually
had been recommended by Capt. Kidd for another decoration. If so, then we're still waiting for it. Suffice it to say, I would have been
more than happy to settle for a notarized copy of that surrender document
-- signed by the German general (whose name I've also forgotten) and
"Captain" Thomas L. Stafford, United States Army. More important than receiving another medal
or even a copy of the surrender document, is the fact that our risky
adventure behind the German lines apparently convinced the enemy forces
opposing us to surrender more than forty eight hours prior to the night
of May 8/9, the time at which the Germans believed suspension of hostilities
would actually occur. I have
often wondered, during the years since then, what might have happened
to Jones and me had that German general discovered, before he surrendered
his entire command, that he was not dealing with an officer, but had
surrendered to an enlisted infantryman. Would he have done so anyway or, would he have
ordered me shot for my brazenness and impudence in believing that one
of Hitler's Generals would even consider surrendering -- particularly
to anyone of lesser rank? Between May 13 and May 14, approximately
4,000 more German troops had gathered outside of the 3rd
Battalion's lines pleading to be allowed entry while another 3800 had
assembled outside of the 2nd Battalion's lines and also were
appealing for entry. I learned,
several years after the war ended, that the Russians insisted that the
American and British forces cease accepting those German troops who
had not entered our lines, and that we turn over to them any German
soldier we were holding who had fought on Russian soil, particularly
any "SS" troops. While
I have no knowledge that such demands were met, I assume that many of
those German soldiers who remained outside our lines on or after May
14, were forced to surrender to the Russians.
If so, then I deeply regret that the statement I made to the
German Corps Commander, i.e., "that if he formally surrendered
his command to the American forces, the Russians would have to honor
that formal surrender document", may not have been honored, and
particularly so if any of his men were forced to surrender to the Russians.
I also learned several years ago that of the three million German
soldiers captured by the Russians during the war, only two million survived
to return to Germany long afterwards -- many after twenty or more years
of hard labor in Russian prisons. The Archives reveal that on May 15 the 347th
Infantry Regiment received orders to evacuate all POWs to other POW
camps located in the rear of the 87th Division's sector. This was accomplished in the next two days.
On May 22, orders were received to issue German currency (Reichmarks)
to the POWs who were to be paroled to their homes.
The records state that each officer was issued 80 Reichmarks
and each enlisted person was given 40 Reichmarks.
Based on my research of the National Archives files pertaining
to the 87th Infantry Division, listed below are the names
of those German generals who surrendered to the 347th Infantry
Regiment, including the units they commanded, or were with at the time
of surrender:
On May 25, one of our patrols captured a group of SS troops posing as German foresters who, after interrogation, were determined to be part of a "Werewolf" cadre. They were quickly placed under close control along with other captured SS prisoners who were kept separated from the Wehrmacht prisoners. Several weeks before that event occurred, activities in the 3rd Battalion's sector had settled into a more normal routine as recalled below by Ray Miles, Mac McAuliffe and Lew Goad: Ray Miles noted that after Company I, 347th Infantry had taken over Tannenbergstahl on May 6 against light resistance, it also -- along with other elements of the 3rd Battalion -- became involved to a great degree in the control of the POW camps, including all the excitement it generated. Ray recalled that after the German prisoners were moved out, Company I really enjoyed its stay in Tannenbergsthal -- a lovely little village which had been spared from the effects of war. He remembers that he and his men pitched their tents in a grassy area along side a pretty stream in the heart of Tannenbergsthal. Company I wasted no time in using the stream's cool water to chill some German beer which had been acquired for "rest and relaxation" purposes, of course. Ray and his men contacted some women in Tannenbergsthal and had them make a large American Flag. Company I then erected a flag pole among their tents and flew "Old Glory" at “half-staff” for a while in memory of President Franklin D. Roosevelt who had died several weeks earlier on April 12, 1945, the day before our attack on Plauen, Germany. Mac McAuliffe recalls that on or about May 8 or 9 Company M, 347th Infantry,
which was located near Jägersgrün and Tannenbergsthal, also had pitched
their tents on a hillside nearby.
Mac remembers that he and several other members of Company
M decided to go for a swim in a pond on the other side of the hill. Arriving at the pond, they were surprised to
hear a number of German soldiers signing "Lillie Marlene"
… that great song of the war equally loved by American as well as
German soldiers … while bathing and washing up on other side of the
pond. Mac stated "I cut the legs off my 'long
johns' that I was still wearing and used my 'johns' for trunks. We then dove into the pond and thrashed about
reveling in the warmth of the spring day. The German soldiers, who were bathing approximately 20 yards away
on the other side of the pond, paid no attention to us and WE paid
no attention to them ... the weather was great.
The water was fine and refreshing and, best of all, the war
was over ... for both the Germans and ourselves ... a long time since
the frigid and brutal weather we had endured during the Battle of
the Bulge back in Belgium and Luxembourg.
That night someone got hold of a bottle of cognac … we passed
it around standing around the flame of a small fire … the first in
many a month … it was one happy day and night!" Lew Goad reminded me that shortly after several German Panzer (tank) units
had entered our lines on May 8, he and I were approached by two young
Panzer commanders, both Captains, who were convinced -- even though
we repeatedly told them otherwise -- that the American Army would
soon decide to join with the German Army to fight the Russians. One of the German officers told us that the Russian tank units had
made extremely poor tactical use of the American built Sherman tanks,
which our country had shipped by the thousands to the Russians during
the war. He said that his tank unit alone destroyed
more than 50 of those tanks and could have destroyed more had his
unit not run out of ammunition. Lew also reminded me of the discipline and professionalism initially demonstrated
by the surrendering Germans troops -- who, as soon as they were placed
in their designated POW enclosures, wasted no time pitching their
tents which they carefully lined up by using communication wire. Afterwards, whenever even a small group of
German soldiers moved anywhere within their enclosure, they did so
in formation and "in step", counting cadence or singing
a "marching song". Capt.
Kidd and Lt. Vallorani quickly put a stop to that show of military
discipline, ordering that whenever the POW's moved anywhere, they
would do so by "route step" and "out of formation".
Simply stated, the Germans were directed to walk or straggle
from one point to the next. Capt.
Kidd told the senior German officers that while he appreciated their
desire to maintain discipline and order, he wanted it accomplished
in a nonmilitary manner. Suffice it to say, there were no further formations
or "marching in step" within the area controlled by Company
L. Lew also remembered that after all of the POWs had been evacuated to the rear of the Division's sector, he and I persuaded Capt. Kidd to permit us to conduct a "beer patrol" into Czechoslovakia. After driving across the border to Nejdek, about 18 miles from Jägersgrün, we finally located a brewery. In view of the fact that the war was now over, we proceeded to surprise the "braumeister" by paying for (instead of "liberating") five or six kegs of excellent Czech beer. We paid for the beer with Reichmarks 'liberated' earlier from a bank in Plauen by Sgt. Loren Brown, who had generously shared some with me. Needless to say, our Company L buddies unanimously agreed that the Czech beer tasted like the "nectar of the gods". A day or two later, Capt. Kidd, Lew, John Weber, Brian O'Brian (Capt. Kidd's driver) and I took a jeep drive to Karlovy Va | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||